Posts Tagged ‘catching Australia’

Commentary round-up

Wednesday, August 11th, 2010

A regular feature spotlighting new writing (and audio) from top commentators Rod Oram, Colin James and Brian Easton.

Rod Oram’s Star-Times column this week is Govt’s last shot at useful policy, which makes the case that “Telecom’s decision to split itself into separate network and retail businesses presents the government with one last chance to do the right thing for customers, country and telcos.”

Oram also speaks to Nine to Noon as usual, this week looking at the economic situation in Australia in the lead-up to the election year (plus the WTO decision on apples). A particularly interesting couple of snippets:

There’s very powerful arguments from the Australian Treasury in a paper it produced for the Budget in May and then a very good speech by Ross Garnaut (who’s one of the best economists over here) just last week, arguing that [Australia's] resource boom does actually significantly distort the economy, and if Australia doesn’t get policies in place to correct those distortions, then it’s going to be more of a nuisance than a benefit.

. . . if you followed the Garnaut thesis that Australia has enjoyed no productivity increase in the economy since around about 2003-2005 and all of that growth has come from debt-fuelled consumption in the housing market and the resource boom, and both those drivers of growth cannot continue, then therefore the country’s facing a real productivity question as to how it’s going to grow the economy. If you take that longer-term view, then you could see how New Zealand could strategically be more interesting about what we were doing; that could then increase our opportunities to even catch up a bit with Australia.

That’s rather an intriguing thought, following on from the productivity comparisons with Australia that I covered in a recent column (I’m not sure I buy that economic doldrums for one of our biggest trading partners is good news for us, though.)

There are three new items from Brian Easton this week:

And from  Colin James:

  • Claiming the justice system for the people (Fairfax papers) is a sympathetic account of Simon Power’s reform agenda;
  • How to house good economics (Otago Daily Times) looks at the housing advisory group report, arguing that “it makes good economic sense to fix up people’s houses so they are warm and not too crowded and are part of the sort of neighbourhood people like to live in and so live longer” and suggests that “a future cabinet might reassess the payoff from investing money in good housing”; and
  • Who leads to the next business as usual? (Management magazine) revisits Jon Johansson’s book (which I discussed a while back and James has previously reviewed) and its typology of the Fourth Labour Government as transformational, Clark as a consolidator and Key as “preparatory”. James writes:

The challenge for the generation-X leaders waiting in the party ranks will be to lead the sort of policy transformation that will fit New Zealand economically, socially and politically into the 2010s-20s digital and geopolitically rebalanced world.

. . . Key has a decentralised style of cabinet management in which good ministers do well and less competent ones muck up. His take on China and the global rebalancing amounts to little more than trade, trade, trade. He is miserly and unadventurous with research funds. He has not pushed officials, researchers, business and policy wonks to see whether “clean-tech” or “green growth” will be big in the post-crash economy and, if so, how New Zealand fits.

Instead, his big word is “balance”. That sounds more like consolidating Clark’s consolidation than preparing the next big leap.

But, as polls tell him, voters have little appetite for a big leap. Business as usual is much more comfortable, even if it is the last epoch’s “usual” rather than the “usual” to come — as it surely will.

If you’ve read other insightful pieces of commentary this week, particularly from a progressive perspective, let us know about it in the comments thread below.

Commentary round-up

Wednesday, August 4th, 2010

A regular feature spotlighting new writing (and audio) from top commentators Rod Oram, Colin James and Brian Easton.

Rod Oram’s column in his week’s Star-Times is New world order rolls but we’re not ready, which looks at how various countries are coping with the aftermath of the global financial crisis. It references the debate in the UK and the US between those who argue for more stimulus and those who want immediate retrenchment, but oddly completely ignores the fact that this debate occurred almost entirely on political lines with progressives in the former camp and conservatives in the latter.

Oram’s Nine to Noon slot (audio) is on the Telecom de-merger announcement and the government’s broadband plans.

Colin James’ Otago Daily Times column Australia, China and being in or out of step is about defence relationships, while A smart Auckland for a smarter — and richer — NZ? (for the Fairfax papers) is another look at economic comparisons with Australia. This includes a discussion of new analysis by Motu Research comparing Auckland and Brisbane and showing that:

the share of jobs in “high-value, non-routine, knowledge-intensive activities” increased markedly less in Auckland than in Brisbane (and in Melbourne, Adelaide and, to a lesser extent, Sydney and Perth). It finds that within New Zealand “Auckland is functioning as a core city” for those activities “but is peripheral within Australasia”.

James argues that the new Auckland super-city “has to transform itself into smart-Auckland, locomotive to the whole economy”, and adds that there is “some behind-scenes evidence some ministers are beginning to” understand that.

(Nothing new from Brian Easton this week – there’ll be a newly-available Listener column next week.)

Commentary Round-up

Wednesday, July 21st, 2010

This week’s offerings from Commentary Round-up’s trio of leading commentators traverse some common themes: environmental policy, New Zealand’s relationship with Australia, and what makes the National Party tick.

There’s no new Listener column from Brian Easton this week, but he has posted three new speech notes on his website:

The best explanation for the divergence in growth rates, which began in the late 1960s, is that is when the Australian mineral boom began, while New Zealand suffered a palpable shock when the price of its wool, which made up two fifths of export revenue, fell 40 percent . . . The Australian mining boom kick-started their economy, whereas the collapse in price of a major industry was a kick in the guts for New Zealand.

(Easton goes on the explain how the “Rogernomics Recession” was the second crucial setback.)

Why the focus on GDP per capita? The one group in New Zealand who are closest to direct beneficiaries of material economic growth is the business sector. In the long run the profit rate is roughly equal to the growth of GDP. Profits are the objective of business. By arguing for a higher growth rate, it is arguing for a higher profit rate. They may want to have a high profit rate, but that does not mean it should be the ultimate objective of government. Business is a means to an end, not the end in itself.

The prospect in the twenty-first century is that tradeable activities will be increasingly where the population is . . .  the implications for New Zealand’s economic (and therefore social) development and direction is likely to be enormous, pushing us back to being a food and fibre supplier to the world and challenging the very foundations of the left’s account of New Zealand.

Colin James has his two regular columns:

  • A bridge to better policy (Fairfax papers) is an appreciation of Nick Smith on ACC and especially environmental policy;
  • Catching Australia’s wages (Otago Daily Times) looks at the state of the National Party as revealed at their conference, with discussion of employment law changes and (again) Australia, including this interesting point (which resonates with Easton’s):

It is that pay differential which lures employees to Australia, not the rate of rise in GDP or the GDP-per-capita difference . . . This is the snag in Key’s push for more dairy farms and tourists. Farmers and hotel owners and managers get better off and the country gets more cashflow. GDP-per-capita goes up. But both pay most employees low wages. That doesn’t fix the wage gap.

Rod Oram’s Star-Times column is entitled Environment policy so bad things can only improve but the criticism is levelled at the status quo that Nick Smith has inherited, rather than his initiatives — Oram has tentative praise for the Environmental Protection Authority idea. He also discusses the latest dairy sector deals on Radio New Zealand’s Nine to Noon.

Communication leads the way — New Zealand’s productivity performers

Tuesday, July 13th, 2010

This one is Keith Ng’s fault.

Today’s post might quite likely have been another in the Theoretical Foundations series. But then in the middle of last week I got the summons from Keith: he wanted to talk about the new productivity report that Statistics New Zealand had just released. Well, Keith’s a famous blogger at the prestigious Public Address site and also a columnist for Unlimited magazine, so I figured I better comply.

We had a good chat — half an hour or so of data-geekery — and then I headed off and Keith went back to writing up his thoughts on the report (and related issues). You can find out what he came up with when the next issue of Unlimited goes onsale (and online).

Meanwhile, I had productivity thoughts swirling around in my mind. This new publication Industry Productivity Statistics 1978–2008 really does add a lot to our knowledge, particularly when it comes to productivity trends in individual industries. And it includes a detailed industry-level comparison with Australia.

Given that I had done posts before both on industry-level productivity (compared with the UK) and on comparisons with Australia, I couldn’t resist having a further read of the report and sharing some of its findings here.

Firstly, here’s a graph showing the different rates of productivity growth in different industries over the the last thirty years. (The report only covers what’s called ‘the measured sector’ – it leaves out difficult-to-assess industries such as government administration and defence, education and health, and property).

When looking at this graph it’s useful to understand that there are two things that drive labour productivity (a.k.a the amount produced per person).

The first is called ‘capital deepening’, which is basically the amount of equipment that each worker has. This reflects the fact that, for instance, you can shift a lot more dirt with a earth mover than with a shovel. Owen has made the argument in comments previously that an inadequate capital stock (and unwillingness to invest in it) is a big part of New Zealand’s economic problem.

The second thing is multifactor productivity, and that’s the really good stuff. That’s when you can get more production out of the same amount of labour and the same amount of capital. That implies (and it’s always worth remembering that with productivity there’s plenty of room for misinterpretation) that we’re working smarter and more effectively.

So this graph looks at labour productivity growth on one axis against multifactor productivity on the other. (You can click on it to see a full-screen version.)

The first thing that stands out is that ‘Communications Services’ outperforms every other industry by a wide margin on both axes.

The second thing to note is how few industry perform strongly on multifactor productivity. The only other ones are ‘Agriculture’ and ‘Transport & Storage’. ‘Electricity, gas & water supply’ by contrast stands out for a high overall labour productivity driven largely by capital deepening.

Here’s a second graph, from the section of the report comparing New Zealand and Australia. (The timeseries for this comparison only goes back to 1986.)

The graph shows New Zealand with higher overall productivity growth than Australia, but a couple of caveats need to be made about that. Firstly, the figures are for the ‘measured sector’ only. Secondly, while New Zealand is ahead across the full period, this reflects much higher growth over 1986-1996 — Australia’s productivity growth has been ahead of New Zealand’s over the more recent part of the period (1996-2008).

Aside from that, however, the thing to notice is the differences at industry level. As the Statistics NZ report says, variation across industries is higher in New Zealand than in Australia. And the industries where New Zealand can clearly be seen to be ahead are: ’Transport & Storage’, ‘Electricity, gas & water supply’, ‘Agriculture, forestry and fishing’ and in particular ‘Communications Services’.

Now, let’s have a look back at my earlier post looking at Mason and Osborne’s analysis of industry-level productivity in New Zealand and UK, in terms of a snapshot of productivity levels rather than growth over time.

This showed five New Zealand market sectors that stood out as having a productivity lead over the UK: ‘Cultural and recreational services’ (where New Zealand’s productivity was 128% of the UK’s); ‘Communication services’ (115% UK); ‘Accommodation, restaurants and bars’ (113% UK); ‘Finance and insurance’ (112% UK); and ‘Food, beverage and tobacco manufacturing’ (105% UK).

The common denominator between that analysis and this more recent one by Statistics New Zealand is the standout performance of ‘Communication Services’. Two other sector highlighted in the UK comparison actually had declining productivity over time: ‘Cultural and recreational services’ and ‘Accommodation, restaurants and bars’. A third, ‘Food, beverage and tobacco manufacturing’, is invisible within the Manufacturing category for much of the more recent analysis.

So, what is the ‘Communication Services’ sector and why has performed so strongly in terms of productivity? Is this just a historical fluke, or is this an area where New Zealand has an enduring strength? I’ll address these questions in next week’s column.

In the meantime I’d be interested in your thoughts and impressions about the productivity picture that has emerged from these reports.

Links

If we do catch Australia, what’s the prize?

Tuesday, June 8th, 2010

In last Thursday’s post, we established that in terms of buying power in New Zealand dollars, Australians were able to spend about $13,000 a year more than New Zealanders in 2005. However, just over half of that went either into capital investment or on government spending on things like defence and R & D. That means it didn’t flow through directly to individual households.

So in terms of actual consumption by households, the gap between New Zealand and Australia was just under $6,000 per person a year. That’s 22% more spending by the average Australian compared to the average New Zealander.

To turn that into terms that are even easier to relate to, that comes to an extra $113 a week for each person. In this post, I’ll have a look at what Australians did with their extra $113 a week.

As you’ll see, it didn’t primarily go on the sort of consumer products that one might have expected. In fact, a lot of it went into health and education. This raises some different, and in some ways more troubling, issues for New Zealand as we contemplate what we’re ‘missing out on’ and how to achieve Australian levels of prosperity.

First, a few points to note about this analysis:

  • It looks at what’s called ‘Actual Individual Consumption’, which puts together what households spend directly on themselves with what the government spends on their own behalf on things like health and education;
  • It is expressed in buying power in New Zealand dollars — this involves turning Australian currency into NZ dollars but also adjusting for the different price levels in the two countries (the price levels for Actual Individual Consumption are estimated to be approximately the same overall, but they are somewhat different for specific spending areas); and
  • It is based on the OECD’s most recent Purchasing Power Parity Benchmark results so the data is all from 2005.

On that basis, then, let’s have a look at where the proceeds of Australia’s greater prosperity were going.

As you can see from the graph above, they didn’t really go into food, drink, restaurants, hotels, clothing and footwear. Between them, these only accounted for $6 or 5% of the gap. Specifically:

  • Australians spent nearly $3 a week less in buying power terms on food and non-alcoholic beverages than AustraliansNew Zealanders;
  • They spent almost the same amount on alcohol and tobacco (in nominal terms, Australians did actually spend slightly more, but that’s because alcohol and tobacco is slightly more expensive there on average);
  • Australians spend about $4 a week (12%) more on restaurants and hotels in buying power terms; and
  • They spend nearly $5 a week more on clothing and footwear, which is a not-inconsiderable 25% more than New Zealanders (it worth noting that in nominal terms they spent only $NZ1 a week more — in other words, most of this gain comes from clothing and footwear being on average 17% less expensive in Australia).

There are a few nice advantages there, but they don’t really amount to a vast difference between the two countries. Let’s therefore look at another four categories:

Areas like household goods, recreation and transport account for $16 a week, a somewhat larger, though still modest, portion of the gap (14%). Specifically:

  • Australians spent nearly $7.50 a week more on household furnishings, equipment and maintenance, which is a significant 26% difference from New Zealanders’ spending;
  • They spent $1 a week more on communication; and
  • Australians spent around $3.50 a week more extra on each of recreation and culture and transport (in both cases, relatively modest differences of 6% more than New Zealanders).

Now let’s turn to two somewhat difficult-to-interpret categories that between them account for just over a quarter of the gap:

Miscellaneous goods and services accounted for nearly $19 of the gap. This category comprises: personal care; prostitution; personal effects not elsewhere classified; social protection; insurance; financial services not elsewhere classified; and other services not elsewhere classified. Clearly, it will be important to get a better understanding of how these various components contribute to that $19 difference.

Net purchases abroad is for both countries a negative item. This category is an adjustment item to remove the consumption in the other categories that was contributed by non-residents making purchases in the domestic market, and to add in the purchases of goods and services that resident households made while travelling abroad. Apparently, for both Australia and New Zealand the former was larger than the latter, but this more the case in New Zealand (to the scale of $12 a week). It will be a matter of interest to discover whether this primarily reflects more tourist purchases in New Zealand or more purchases by Australians travelling overseas.

Combined, all of the ten categories outlined so far accounted for less than half of the gap. Where then is the majority of it coming from? It is from these three categories:

Accommodation, health and education between them account for $61 or 54% of the gap between what New Zealanders spent each week and what Australians spent.

It is worth reiterating two points here. Firstly, all of these categories compare the buying power of Australians to the buying power of New Zealanders, so (unless there is some flaw in the ‘purchasing power parity’ indexation) these differences do not reflect these areas of expenditure being more expensive in Australia than New Zealand.

Secondly, they reflect spending by both government and households in each of these categories — for instance, in the tertiary education area both government tuition subsidies and student tuition fees would be included. So the balance between public and private spending in the two countries makes no difference to these figures.

Looking at each of these three categories in turn:

  • Australians spent a bit over $25 a week more on housing, water, electricity, gas and other fuels than New Zealanders — this is a difference of 27%. As noted above, this is not because this category of expenditure is more expensive in Australia (in fact it is 5% cheaper on average) — instead it reflects Australians using more energy and/or having more or better housing.
  • They spent about $14 a week more on health — apparently health prices are higher in Australia than they are here, but that has been factored in, and with that taken into account Australians spent 26% more per person on health (without the adjustment, it’s 40% more).
  • Australian spent just over $21 more on education than New Zealanders, which is a massive 55% difference in per person spending. Again, this does not reflect price differences (education price levels are about the same in both countries).

I would argue that these are unexpected and significant results. We have been talking a lot in this country about Australia being more prosperous than us, yet it turns out that for the most part  Australians are not making use of their additional income for what we’d generally think of as ‘consumer purchases’.

Yes, they do spend a bit more than us on clothes and household furnishings and maybe overseas holidays. But as we saw last post, nearly half of the overall gap is being ploughed back into capital investment and now we see that about a third of the ‘consumption’ portion is going on what appears to be more and/or better health and education.

There is still quite a bit of further investigation needed in this project. For instance, what’s the balance between housing and energy, and does this imply higher rates of homeownership? And what’s the balance between public and private health and education, and between different areas within these categories (e.g. early childhood, school, tertiary)?

Nevertheless, I think we can draw some tentative conclusions.

The good news is that our relative lack of prosperity isn’t impacting that heavily on our consumer lifestyle yet, at least not compared to Australia.

But the bad news is that we’re investing less on our health, on our education and on our physical infrastructure.

And the medium and long-term impacts of that for our comparative wellbeing and prosperity are likely to be far more significant than if Australia was simply using its additional income to go shopping.

Staring at the gap

Thursday, June 3rd, 2010

Source: OECD data

This post begins to report on some analysis I’ve been undertaking recently on the nature of the gap between New Zealand and Australia.

A key initial task of the Progressive Path to Prosperity topic in Policy Progress’s work programme is Identifying the Problem. I don’t want us to just bemoan things like New Zealand’s low rate of productivity growth and declining per capita GDP. We should aim to understand the nature and scale of the problem, and what it means in practical terms for New Zealanders. This has been a recurring theme of my posts on this topic to date.

One particular naïve question I’ve been asking in this regard is whether we’re really as poor as the statistics from places like the OECD seem to indicate.

Or to put it another way: what are the things that fall within the gap? By “the gap” I mean the difference in GDP per capita between ourselves and rich countries. What is it that their additional productiveness affords them that we don’t have? Because at a casual glance it’s not obvious that the actual standard of living in New Zealand is all that different from countries like Australia and the United Kingdom.

So, I’ve decided to make a study of this.

The results so far suggest that this could be a useful avenue to pursue, and might be able to form the centre-piece for a report on ‘identifying the problem’. This is likely to be the first Policy Progress report on a work progamme topic. (There are one or two commissioned reports that might come out first, however.)

The approach I’ve taken is to use detailed SourceOECD data on the 2005 Purchasing Power Parity Benchmark results to disaggregate the components of what’s known as ‘final expenditure’ — in other words, what a country spends its income on.

I’ve started with Australia, because our societies are quite similar and because a preoccupation with ‘catching Australia’ in terms of economic prosperity has become something of a national pastime.

As you can see in the graph at the top of this post, New Zealand’s GDP per capita at the time this data was collected was $37,700. Australia’s GDP per capita converted into New Zealand dollars was $49,400. However, once exchange rates were taken into account, price levels in New Zealand were on average slightly higher than in Australia, so the buying power of Australia’s GDP per capita was slightly higher than that at $NZ50,300.

That means the effective gap between the two countries was $12,600.

Next, let’s look at what additional expenditure that gap represents. In order to do that, we’ll have to disaggregate into categories of final expenditure. Each of these has its own price level relativity which, because the OECD purchasing power parity method is not exactly additive, recalculates the total gap to $13,000 (the difference does not have a substantial impact on the findings however).

The main categories of final expenditure used in the OECD’s System of National Accounts are:

  • Actual individual consumption: this includes not only the actual amount people spend on goods and serrvices themselves (“household consumption expenditure”) but also government spending on things that directly benefit households, such as healthcare and education (“individual consumption of general government”);
  • Collective consumption: this covers government activities that are not attributable uniquely to households, including expenditure on Parliaments, foreign affairs, defence, environmental protection and government R&D activities;
  • Gross fixed capital formation: this is investment by businesses, households (primarily the purchase of dwellings) and government (e.g. in roading);
  • Change in stocks: the difference between additions to and withdrawals from inventories;
  • Net exports: exports minus imports.

The graph below shows the way in which the gap between Australia and New Zealand is composed of these categories.

Source: OECD data

The last two categories are inconsequential. Of the others, the smallest is “collective consumption”. Nevertheless, this still accounts for just over a tenth of the gap in apparent ‘prosperity’ between Australia and New Zealand. Moreover, it reflects Australia spending 54% more per capita in buying power terms on “collective consumption” than New Zealand does. Where that additional spending is going will require further investigation, but it is likely that defence will be an important component.

Perhaps the most striking feature of the composition of the gap is that 45%, almost half, of it goes on “gross fixed capital formation”. This reflects Australia spending 66% more per capita in buying power terms on investment than New Zealand does. It also reflects a recurring theme about New Zealand’s capital stock and GFCF being much lower than other countries. And, of course, this can be a self-reinforcing cycle, as greater investment tends to lead to greater productivity, which in turn produces more income, some of which can then be invested, and so on.

“Actual individual consumption” also accounts for 45% of the gap, but in this case it reflects only a 22% higher amount per capita in Australia than in New Zealand.

So, while we might have imagined that Australia’s greater wealth as a country manifests itself in more luxury and leisure, to a considerable extent it is actually being invested to create further productive capacity (and potentially increase the gap in the future).

Nevertheless, there is still a considerable ‘consumption dividend’, amounting to nearly $NZ6,000 per person per year. In Tuesday’s post, I’ll discuss what this is being spent on. (The answers may surprise you.)