Posts Tagged ‘economic theory’

Why progressive policies will always fail

Tuesday, June 15th, 2010

In this post, I want to enlist your assistance with an exercise that I think will help to get Policy Progress’s Theoretical Foundations topic underway.

I’ll explain my reasoning about how it contributes to what I’m trying to achieve with Theoretical Foundations in Thursday’s post, but for now I’d just like to jump right into the exercise itself.

The work programme description on this topic starts by saying:

Many non-progressives profess that any significant state or collective action to try to achieve social and economic goals is bound to be ineffective or even counter-productive. They often use complex yet elegant theories and models drawn from neoclassical economics to prove this.

I want to compile a list of all of the main arguments along these lines. Or, as our opponents might put it, a catalogue of the reasons why progressive policies will always fail. Here’s what I’ve come up with so far:

(I should note that I’m not saying that every one of these arguments is necessarily wrong. In some instances, it may be that many progressive would accept the argument, at least up to a point. Nevertheless, they are all arguments that, if true and/or believed, make progressive action harder.)

  1. Government attempts to ‘pick winners’ by giving public assistance to particular companies or industries are misguided, as politicians and public officials cannot allocate resources as well as the market can.
  2. Similarly with efforts to take a strategic approach to assessing what training is needed to meet a country’s skill needs — this amounts to ‘manpower planning’ and has also been discredited.
  3. The market is better at fostering innovation than any form of centralised decision-making can ever be (an argument advanced by John Kay, as described in an earlier post).
  4. Public officials’ actions and advice are guided not by commitment to the public interest but by their own rational self-interest (as predicted by ‘public choice theory‘) leading to budget-maximizing and bureau-shaping activity.
  5. Public sector organisations are inevitably less productive and efficient than private sector ones because they are not subject to the same market discipline, including shareholder demands and the ultimate threat of bankruptcy.
  6. Because ‘exit’ is more effective than ‘voice’, it is better to give people more choice in the services they receive than to give them greater say in decisions about the way those services are provided (see this post).
  7. The effectiveness of government action will be undermined because people do not behave in the way that governments want them to, leading to problems with perverse incentives and moral hazard.
  8. Increases to public activity will ‘crowd out‘ innovation and investment by the private sector (which is where genuine wealth-creation takes place).
  9. Attempts to provide resources to the poor will tend to get captured by the middle class unless they are tightly targeted.
  10. Tax rates need to be kept low and relatively flat (i.e. not too progressive) in order to reward innovation and effort, or else the economy will suffer.
  11. In any case, efforts to tax the rich will inevitably be ineffective as they will find ways to avoid the additional taxation.
  12. Providing too much of a welfare ’safety net’ is counter-productive since unless income support levels are minimal this can create ‘benefit dependency’.
  13. Monetary policy needs to be tightly focussed on keeping inflation rates very low, and cannot afford to take into account the impact of its interventions on employment or investment.
  14. In fact, according to the ‘Policy Ineffectiveness Proposition‘, governments really cannot have any positive effect on the economy, because people will use ‘adaptive expectation’ to respond immediately to any government action (taking into account its long-term costs) and thus neutralise it.

This might seem like quite an economically-focussed set of arguments, and indeed most of them do derive from the discipline of economics.

But their potential application goes well beyond the economy, and has implications for just about any area of social spending. Some of the arguments, like #4 and #7 above, even have implications for the desirability and effectiveness of government regulation of societal behaviour.

It is also, almost certainly, an incomplete list. And I’d like to enlist your help in order to add to it. What other arguments against the effectiveness of progressive action can be included in this list?

I’d also be interested in any help in identifying the definitive texts setting out these arguments (and those that are added to the list). And, for that matter, any assistance in steering me towards devastating rebuttals to these arguments would also be much appreciated (although that’s primarily a task of a slightly later phase of this topic).

Do progressive policies always fail? I don’t believe so. But I also believe that they are much less likely to do so if we are aware of, and able to consider and take account of, the arguments that are mounted against them.

Why the progressive movement should talk more about economics

Wednesday, June 9th, 2010

Many people think that economics is a right-leaning discipline. They are wrong, and we need to tell them.

One common caricature of politics is that the ideological right attracts a homogenous cadre of serious-yet-uncaring bean counters, while the left attracts a rag-tag mob of caring, sharing mush-heads.

Stated this way, the caricature is obviously silly. But many progressives do not help their own credibility when they avoid talking about economics, thus lending credence to the false notion that all economists support the right.

While there is a pretty strong consensus in favour of free trade among academic economists, there are in fact sharp divisions within the profession on all other important matters of economic policy.

Yet the false perception of a right-leaning consensus endures, for two reasons: selective reporting of economists’ findings by some entrepreneurial commentators; and a preference among many progressives to talk around rather than about economic policy.

This particular think-site, of course, suffers from no such economic shyness, and nor do one or two of the authors at The Standard. But the strong economic analyses on these websites are sadly not reflected around much of the rest of the progressive movement.

If folk on the left are to challenge the caricature that they are economic illiterates swimming against the tide, we need – all of us – to confront economic issues much more directly.

Helpfully, four of the world’s most prominent economists have recently suggested progressive solutions to the world’s largest economic problems. That should help us to stop being coy.

Nobel laureates Joseph Stiglitz and Amartya Sen recently spearheaded a French economic commission that made a remarkable recommendation. After decades of measuring human progress using a purely financial measure (GDP), Stiglitz and Sen suggested that we instead measure human progress more broadly.

This recommendation draws on a wider “happiness economics” research agenda, which holds that human action is successful only in as much as it makes humans feel better about their lives. This is actually a pretty standard economic idea – the idea of utility. All people are doing with happiness economics (or, if you prefer, with Genuine Progress Indicators) is measuring utility better. Any attempt to measure the success of an economy using only financial measures like GDP misses this wider point.

The heroic assumption that more money necessarily makes people happier has been shown untrue in a large number of circumstances. For example, the near doubling of American GDP since 1950 has had no impact at all on their collective happiness. And in a recent ranking of “happy life years,” the top five nations were Costa Rica, Iceland, Denmark, Switzerland, and Canada – none of which crack the top five in terms of material wealth.

The right of course, has mocked happiness economics. A mere poll of feelings, they argued, was an impractical and fanciful way to judge progress (although that never stopped them when it came to measuring “business confidence”). Despite this shallow critique, Genuine Progress Indicators are catching on, and progressives everywhere should be singing their virtues.

Paul Krugman, another recent Nobel laureate, recently showed how the right’s belief in the “efficient markets hypothesis” lead them to completely misdiagnose the recent financial crisis. The efficient markets hypothesis says that the price of any asset is an accurate reflection of all available information about it. But it has no way of explaining the panic and implosion that engulfed major sectors of the American markets in 2008. The journalist Michael Lewis has made similar observations.

Any economic theory that misses the big real-world events, needless to say, is of only dubious usefulness. Social scientific theories are only as good as their empirical validity.

One especially welcome innovation in the area of explaining panic among supposedly rational economic agents is to juxtapose traditional economic theory with recent practical work on human behavior. Whereas traditional economists had tended to just assume that people are individually economically rational, behavioural economists have gone and tested those propositions against real world experience. And when we look in the real world, non-rational behaviour is surprisingly easy to find.

Jeffrey Sachs, a Full Professor of economics at Harvard at the age of 29, will likely win the Nobel Peace Prize for development work in Africa. A former darling of the right for his developmental prescription of “shock therapy” for third-world governments, Sachs has also recently “gone mushy.” He has embraced an activist role for both national governments and the UN, and has also explicitly rejected the claims from the right that expansive Scandinavian-style welfare systems are a drain on the economy.

These four stand at the pinnacle of the global economics profession. They all propose progressive policies and oppose neoclassical economic orthodoxy. Their stances show that economics is no guaranteed friend of the right. Progressives need to seize on these and other developments within economics, including the influential book The Spirit Level, to help us think about policy and to better make our case to the New Zealand people.

Links:

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A native Wellingtonian, Rob Salmond now lives in the US. He is Assistant Professor of political science at the University of Michigan, and is also currently a Visiting Scholar in the department of political science at Stanford University. Rob’s academic areas of interest include legislative institutions, political media, and political economy, all with a cross-national focus.

Proposed Topic: Theoretical Foundations

Tuesday, March 9th, 2010

This topic is probably a bit more esoteric than the previous one, but just as important.

An argument can be made that, ever since the decline in confidence in traditional Keynesian macroeconomic management from the 1970s and the demise of a socialist alternative to capitalism as even a long-term goal for the mainstream left, the progressive movement has lacked for both a long-term project (‘what kind of society are we trying to get to?’) and a convincing theoretical underpinning.

Whatever their shortcomings, the conservative movement’s arguments for the primacy of the market – based on neoclassical economics – are precise, elaborately worked through and often seductively elegant.

There have been many good progressive critiques of these theories, but positive theoretical arguments for the desirability and efficacy of non-market action have often lacked robustness, or been too timid or ad hoc.

This hasn’t prevented the growth of a strong popular anti-globalisation movement – but what alternative development path do they propose?

Nor has it prevented progressive governments from winning power in various countries and often achieving important advances in particular areas. But basis of that action has often relied either of ‘just do it’ instructions to a public service whose theoretical DNA is still encoded with neoclassical thinking, or somewhat precarious and limited arguments such as ‘market failure’.

As I have previously argued, the financial crisis of 2007-08 has shaken (but not broken) confidence in the claims about the infallibility of markets. This seems a good time for Policy Progress to survey existing and emerging theoretical alternatives, to try to set out a clear theoretical basis for action by the next progressive government.

The intended approach is set out on our Work Programme page, as follows:

This topic would look at the theoretical underpinnings for the progressive critique of the free-market right, and for its alternative policy programme. How robust, well-grounded and logically consistent are they?

To what extent have the theoretical arguments used by progressives changed over the last few decades, and to what effect?

And what new theoretical insights are being developed today by a new generation of thinkers, perhaps influenced by the lessons from the financial crisis of 2007-08?

As this last question in particular suggests, the point is not that I hope to be able to singlehandedly develop a new rationale for progressive action. Rather, I believe that there’s enough intellectual ferment out there that I will be able to tap into some pretty fresh and exciting ideas in this area.

What do you think? Does this sound like an interesting, achievable and worthwhile topic for the work programme?