Posts Tagged ‘GDP per capita’

Material living standards in New Zealand and Greece

Tuesday, October 26th, 2010

A while back, I did a comparison of material living standards in New Zealand with those of Australia, a very similar country but one with 33% more GDP per capita in buying power terms. (There are links at the end to the posts on the Australia-New Zealand comparison, which also outline the methodology for this analysis.)

In this post, I’d like to complement that by comparing New Zealand to Greece, which is a country with (as at 2005) very similar buying power per capita but a less similar lifestyle and culture.

When we looked at Australia we found broadly similar patterns of expenditure on many items, with much of Australia’s ‘growth dividend’ over New Zealand being reinvested in health, education and gross fixed capital expenditure. How, then, do we look alongside Greece?

As we can see in this first graph, New Zealand earned somewhat more than Greece did in pure GDP per capita terms, but when you take into account buying power (i.e. things were a little cheaper in Greece on average), then the Greeks were a little better off than we were. The difference is noticeable but not huge, about $1,500 a year ($29 a week).

This is complicated somewhat by the fact that Greece and New Zealand differed somewhat in the way they allocated their income across the large categories of actual individual consumption, collective consumption, gross fixed capital consumption, change in stocks and net exports.

Greece spent more than New Zealand across both forms of consumption and capital formation, but nearly half of this was financed by them running an even more negative trade balance than New Zealand’s. (Events over the last year may suggest that this was not a sustainable strategy for Greece.)

Looking more specifically at actual individual consumption, which is the aspect of our material standard of living that we experience most directly, the Greeks were spending $1,022 a year more each in New Zealand buying-power terms than us. That equates to about $13 dollars more a week.

But once again we see a differing pattern of consumption, rather than this dividend being spread thinly across all categories. As we see below, the Greeks spent a great deal more than us on food, drink and clothing — much moreso than the considerably richer Australians. (And, remember, these figures are in buying-power terms; they don’t reflect food, drink and clothing being more expensive there, but rather more and/or higher-quality consumption.)

On the other hand, there are number of categories where New Zealanders spent more than Greeks, most notably recreation and culture where we spend on average $32 a week more.

And then there are categories where we spent roughly the same amount (including health and education).

There are of course many, many caveats needed with an analysis such as this. For one thing, these per capita figures tell us about the mean, but they don’t necessarily say much about the lives of the average (i.e. median) Greek or New Zealander — especially if we don’t know about the income distribution of the respective countries.

Nevertheless, this analysis does suggest some broad differences between New Zealand and Greece, and possibly other southern European countries with broadly similar GDP per capita. Underneath the similar aggregates, we appear to be more modest in terms of our food and clothing (as are the Australians) but to spend more on recreation and transport. However, the latter may not necessarily reflect better outcomes for us but may simply mean that they have access to cheaper alternatives that might be just as good or better (the Acropolis and the Metro rather than the rugby match and the private car).

Links:
The earlier analysis can be found in Staring at the gap and If we do catch Australia, what’s the prize?
SourceOECD data on the 2005 Purchasing Power Parity Benchmark results

If we do catch Australia, what’s the prize?

Tuesday, June 8th, 2010

In last Thursday’s post, we established that in terms of buying power in New Zealand dollars, Australians were able to spend about $13,000 a year more than New Zealanders in 2005. However, just over half of that went either into capital investment or on government spending on things like defence and R & D. That means it didn’t flow through directly to individual households.

So in terms of actual consumption by households, the gap between New Zealand and Australia was just under $6,000 per person a year. That’s 22% more spending by the average Australian compared to the average New Zealander.

To turn that into terms that are even easier to relate to, that comes to an extra $113 a week for each person. In this post, I’ll have a look at what Australians did with their extra $113 a week.

As you’ll see, it didn’t primarily go on the sort of consumer products that one might have expected. In fact, a lot of it went into health and education. This raises some different, and in some ways more troubling, issues for New Zealand as we contemplate what we’re ‘missing out on’ and how to achieve Australian levels of prosperity.

First, a few points to note about this analysis:

  • It looks at what’s called ‘Actual Individual Consumption’, which puts together what households spend directly on themselves with what the government spends on their own behalf on things like health and education;
  • It is expressed in buying power in New Zealand dollars — this involves turning Australian currency into NZ dollars but also adjusting for the different price levels in the two countries (the price levels for Actual Individual Consumption are estimated to be approximately the same overall, but they are somewhat different for specific spending areas); and
  • It is based on the OECD’s most recent Purchasing Power Parity Benchmark results so the data is all from 2005.

On that basis, then, let’s have a look at where the proceeds of Australia’s greater prosperity were going.

As you can see from the graph above, they didn’t really go into food, drink, restaurants, hotels, clothing and footwear. Between them, these only accounted for $6 or 5% of the gap. Specifically:

  • Australians spent nearly $3 a week less in buying power terms on food and non-alcoholic beverages than AustraliansNew Zealanders;
  • They spent almost the same amount on alcohol and tobacco (in nominal terms, Australians did actually spend slightly more, but that’s because alcohol and tobacco is slightly more expensive there on average);
  • Australians spend about $4 a week (12%) more on restaurants and hotels in buying power terms; and
  • They spend nearly $5 a week more on clothing and footwear, which is a not-inconsiderable 25% more than New Zealanders (it worth noting that in nominal terms they spent only $NZ1 a week more — in other words, most of this gain comes from clothing and footwear being on average 17% less expensive in Australia).

There are a few nice advantages there, but they don’t really amount to a vast difference between the two countries. Let’s therefore look at another four categories:

Areas like household goods, recreation and transport account for $16 a week, a somewhat larger, though still modest, portion of the gap (14%). Specifically:

  • Australians spent nearly $7.50 a week more on household furnishings, equipment and maintenance, which is a significant 26% difference from New Zealanders’ spending;
  • They spent $1 a week more on communication; and
  • Australians spent around $3.50 a week more extra on each of recreation and culture and transport (in both cases, relatively modest differences of 6% more than New Zealanders).

Now let’s turn to two somewhat difficult-to-interpret categories that between them account for just over a quarter of the gap:

Miscellaneous goods and services accounted for nearly $19 of the gap. This category comprises: personal care; prostitution; personal effects not elsewhere classified; social protection; insurance; financial services not elsewhere classified; and other services not elsewhere classified. Clearly, it will be important to get a better understanding of how these various components contribute to that $19 difference.

Net purchases abroad is for both countries a negative item. This category is an adjustment item to remove the consumption in the other categories that was contributed by non-residents making purchases in the domestic market, and to add in the purchases of goods and services that resident households made while travelling abroad. Apparently, for both Australia and New Zealand the former was larger than the latter, but this more the case in New Zealand (to the scale of $12 a week). It will be a matter of interest to discover whether this primarily reflects more tourist purchases in New Zealand or more purchases by Australians travelling overseas.

Combined, all of the ten categories outlined so far accounted for less than half of the gap. Where then is the majority of it coming from? It is from these three categories:

Accommodation, health and education between them account for $61 or 54% of the gap between what New Zealanders spent each week and what Australians spent.

It is worth reiterating two points here. Firstly, all of these categories compare the buying power of Australians to the buying power of New Zealanders, so (unless there is some flaw in the ‘purchasing power parity’ indexation) these differences do not reflect these areas of expenditure being more expensive in Australia than New Zealand.

Secondly, they reflect spending by both government and households in each of these categories — for instance, in the tertiary education area both government tuition subsidies and student tuition fees would be included. So the balance between public and private spending in the two countries makes no difference to these figures.

Looking at each of these three categories in turn:

  • Australians spent a bit over $25 a week more on housing, water, electricity, gas and other fuels than New Zealanders — this is a difference of 27%. As noted above, this is not because this category of expenditure is more expensive in Australia (in fact it is 5% cheaper on average) — instead it reflects Australians using more energy and/or having more or better housing.
  • They spent about $14 a week more on health — apparently health prices are higher in Australia than they are here, but that has been factored in, and with that taken into account Australians spent 26% more per person on health (without the adjustment, it’s 40% more).
  • Australian spent just over $21 more on education than New Zealanders, which is a massive 55% difference in per person spending. Again, this does not reflect price differences (education price levels are about the same in both countries).

I would argue that these are unexpected and significant results. We have been talking a lot in this country about Australia being more prosperous than us, yet it turns out that for the most part  Australians are not making use of their additional income for what we’d generally think of as ‘consumer purchases’.

Yes, they do spend a bit more than us on clothes and household furnishings and maybe overseas holidays. But as we saw last post, nearly half of the overall gap is being ploughed back into capital investment and now we see that about a third of the ‘consumption’ portion is going on what appears to be more and/or better health and education.

There is still quite a bit of further investigation needed in this project. For instance, what’s the balance between housing and energy, and does this imply higher rates of homeownership? And what’s the balance between public and private health and education, and between different areas within these categories (e.g. early childhood, school, tertiary)?

Nevertheless, I think we can draw some tentative conclusions.

The good news is that our relative lack of prosperity isn’t impacting that heavily on our consumer lifestyle yet, at least not compared to Australia.

But the bad news is that we’re investing less on our health, on our education and on our physical infrastructure.

And the medium and long-term impacts of that for our comparative wellbeing and prosperity are likely to be far more significant than if Australia was simply using its additional income to go shopping.

Staring at the gap

Thursday, June 3rd, 2010

Source: OECD data

This post begins to report on some analysis I’ve been undertaking recently on the nature of the gap between New Zealand and Australia.

A key initial task of the Progressive Path to Prosperity topic in Policy Progress’s work programme is Identifying the Problem. I don’t want us to just bemoan things like New Zealand’s low rate of productivity growth and declining per capita GDP. We should aim to understand the nature and scale of the problem, and what it means in practical terms for New Zealanders. This has been a recurring theme of my posts on this topic to date.

One particular naïve question I’ve been asking in this regard is whether we’re really as poor as the statistics from places like the OECD seem to indicate.

Or to put it another way: what are the things that fall within the gap? By “the gap” I mean the difference in GDP per capita between ourselves and rich countries. What is it that their additional productiveness affords them that we don’t have? Because at a casual glance it’s not obvious that the actual standard of living in New Zealand is all that different from countries like Australia and the United Kingdom.

So, I’ve decided to make a study of this.

The results so far suggest that this could be a useful avenue to pursue, and might be able to form the centre-piece for a report on ‘identifying the problem’. This is likely to be the first Policy Progress report on a work progamme topic. (There are one or two commissioned reports that might come out first, however.)

The approach I’ve taken is to use detailed SourceOECD data on the 2005 Purchasing Power Parity Benchmark results to disaggregate the components of what’s known as ‘final expenditure’ — in other words, what a country spends its income on.

I’ve started with Australia, because our societies are quite similar and because a preoccupation with ‘catching Australia’ in terms of economic prosperity has become something of a national pastime.

As you can see in the graph at the top of this post, New Zealand’s GDP per capita at the time this data was collected was $37,700. Australia’s GDP per capita converted into New Zealand dollars was $49,400. However, once exchange rates were taken into account, price levels in New Zealand were on average slightly higher than in Australia, so the buying power of Australia’s GDP per capita was slightly higher than that at $NZ50,300.

That means the effective gap between the two countries was $12,600.

Next, let’s look at what additional expenditure that gap represents. In order to do that, we’ll have to disaggregate into categories of final expenditure. Each of these has its own price level relativity which, because the OECD purchasing power parity method is not exactly additive, recalculates the total gap to $13,000 (the difference does not have a substantial impact on the findings however).

The main categories of final expenditure used in the OECD’s System of National Accounts are:

  • Actual individual consumption: this includes not only the actual amount people spend on goods and serrvices themselves (“household consumption expenditure”) but also government spending on things that directly benefit households, such as healthcare and education (“individual consumption of general government”);
  • Collective consumption: this covers government activities that are not attributable uniquely to households, including expenditure on Parliaments, foreign affairs, defence, environmental protection and government R&D activities;
  • Gross fixed capital formation: this is investment by businesses, households (primarily the purchase of dwellings) and government (e.g. in roading);
  • Change in stocks: the difference between additions to and withdrawals from inventories;
  • Net exports: exports minus imports.

The graph below shows the way in which the gap between Australia and New Zealand is composed of these categories.

Source: OECD data

The last two categories are inconsequential. Of the others, the smallest is “collective consumption”. Nevertheless, this still accounts for just over a tenth of the gap in apparent ‘prosperity’ between Australia and New Zealand. Moreover, it reflects Australia spending 54% more per capita in buying power terms on “collective consumption” than New Zealand does. Where that additional spending is going will require further investigation, but it is likely that defence will be an important component.

Perhaps the most striking feature of the composition of the gap is that 45%, almost half, of it goes on “gross fixed capital formation”. This reflects Australia spending 66% more per capita in buying power terms on investment than New Zealand does. It also reflects a recurring theme about New Zealand’s capital stock and GFCF being much lower than other countries. And, of course, this can be a self-reinforcing cycle, as greater investment tends to lead to greater productivity, which in turn produces more income, some of which can then be invested, and so on.

“Actual individual consumption” also accounts for 45% of the gap, but in this case it reflects only a 22% higher amount per capita in Australia than in New Zealand.

So, while we might have imagined that Australia’s greater wealth as a country manifests itself in more luxury and leisure, to a considerable extent it is actually being invested to create further productive capacity (and potentially increase the gap in the future).

Nevertheless, there is still a considerable ‘consumption dividend’, amounting to nearly $NZ6,000 per person per year. In Tuesday’s post, I’ll discuss what this is being spent on. (The answers may surprise you.)

Pascal’s Bookie to the rescue!

Thursday, April 22nd, 2010


I don’t know much about Pascal’s Bookie, other than that this is the pseudonym of a pretty prolific commenter on a range of New Zealand political blogs. But I’d like to give credit to this person for steering me towards a useful insight in my quest to better understand how New Zealand’s level of prosperity compares internationally.

Early this year as I was preparing to launch Policy Progress and doing some initial thinking around the Progressive Path to Prosperity topic, I came across a post on The Standard picking up on something Pascal’s Bookie had flagged in their Open Mike slot, namely a link to a trio of graphs.

It’s probably appropriate that, while the graphs originated from the OECD, Pascal’s Bookie had picked up on them from a post by Matthew Yglesias who, as I’ve mentioned a couple of times in the e-newsletter, is my very favourite US blogger. You can count on hearing more from him in these pages.

Anyway, you can see this trio of graphs yourself below. They show a comparison of incomes in OECD countries at different stages of the income distribution. Both Yglesias and Pascal’s Bookie were using this to make a point about inequality in their respective countries (which is fair enough). But what particularly struck me was the placement of New Zealand in the first graph . . . [continued below]

Yes, that’s us! Right next to the OECD average when it comes to median income. In other words, the purchasing power of a New Zealander at the midpoint of the income distribution is very similar to the OECD average.

But haven’t we just learnt that New Zealand is 22nd out of 30 countries in terms of GDP per capita, and that this equates to just 84% of the OECD average?

Now, admittedly New Zealand’s ranking on median income isn’t hugely different at 19th, but we have already heard Brian Easton’s warning that rankings can be misleading (reiterated by James Caygill in comments).

The key difference seems to be that the median income statistics tend to flatten out the size of the differences between countries. Hence we see in the graph below that the difference between New Zealand and the OECD average becomes negligible, while the difference with Australia is halved. (Interestingly, the gap with the UK is largely unchanged, while the relativity between Australia and the UK is reversed.)

So why is there is such a large discrepancy between the two measures? Two possibilities suggest themselves.

The first possibility is to do with the difference between the median and the mean. Maybe because we have fewer really wealthy people to drag up the average, our relativity at the mean is weaker than at the median, which is based on a person at the midpoint of the income distribution. Against this, however, the relativity for our top decile (the third of the trio of graphs above) turns out to be stronger than for our median.

The second to do with the difference between GDP and national income. Maybe we are bolstering our standard of living above and beyond what we actually produce. (Or as Nicholas put in comments on Tuesday, “In other words we are Esau selling his birth rights for stew; we are trading our future for immediate pleasure.”)

We’ll be investigating these possibilities, along with other considerations, as work on this issue continues over the next few weeks. Meanwhile, let us know your thoughts and ideas in the comments below.

Naïve questions about our OECD ranking

Tuesday, April 20th, 2010

Source: Ministry of Economic Development, Economic Development Indicators 2007, Figure 2.1, http://www.med.govt.nz/upload/53549/Indicators-Report-2007.pdf


I think I’m relatively well-versed in economic theory, but a lot of it is self-taught, or at least learnt outside of formal economic programmes.

I studied economics at high school and took 1st year Macro. But then I came back to it via politics: Jack Vowles taught me an appreciation of Keynes, David Neilson the insights that can be taken from Marxian economics, and Alan Simpson supervised my dissertation (and conference paper) on the international dissemination of economic ideas (Where do they get their ideas? Treasury, the Reserve Bank and the International Economics Community). I kept on reading from there, starting with Keynes’ General Theory and then Marx’s Capital (I only made it through Volume 1); economic books and papers have been part of my professional reading ever since.

But, even so, I’ve never really had economics textbooks drilled into me. So when I encounter a particular economic finding or phenomenon, my initial reactions tend to be those of a layperson. The standard economic explanation doesn’t necessarily spring straight to the forefront of my mind.

I’d want to argue that that can be an advantage. It doesn’t immediately ‘lock in’ an answer, and allows scope for different interpretations.

Which brings us back to the dreaded OECD ranking. As we saw last week, New Zealand’s per capita GDP has been declining compared to other OECD countries for at least the past sixty years, and is now 84% of the OECD average. We were once one of the richest, yet now rank 22nd out of 30 countries (between Greece and Korea).

Like many New Zealanders of my generation, I grew up hearing this sort of stuff. And yet when I thought about it, and particularly once I started travelling overseas, a couple of what I call “naïve questions” came to mind:

  • Are we really that unproductive?
  • And are we really that poor?

I’ll unpack each of these in turn. (Warning: the reasoning below has been deliberately simplified.)


Are we really that unproductive?
If our GDP per capita is lower than other countries, then in most cases that means that our workers are less productive. There are other possible reasons – we might have lower rates of labour force participation, or work shorter hours – but, as the Ministry of Economic Development graph at the top of this post shows, that’s not the case; quite the reverse, in fact.

So why are we unproductive? We have by all accounts a pretty good education system and our rate of participation in it is quite high. And anecdotally we know that Kiwi workers are well-regarded when they go to work in other countries like Australia and the UK. So I doubt our workforce is deficient.

Maybe it’s something to do with commodity prices. I realise I we are ‘price-takers’ when it comes to prices on commodities such as dairy, meat and wool, and that the cost of production is fundamentally set by Third World wages. But if we were able to earn First World prices through other goods and services but only Third World ones through commodities, wouldn’t the latter become pretty unprofitable and unattractive compared to the former?

Is it something to do with the exchange rate, then? Does it somehow set our wages and price levels in general based the prices of our commodities, since they are our main export earners? I can see how that might happen with the non-tradeable sector, i.e. those goods and services that aren’t (and often can’t be) traded internationally. So a New Zealand hairdresser might earn much less (in buying power terms) than one with the same skills, experience and talent in the UK, because the customer base they were trying to sell to has less money to spend.

But if this were the case, wouldn’t it make our other export industries very competitive, because they were producing their products more cheaply than other First World countries? And aren’t our manufacturers complaining about precisely the opposite?

Another possible explanation is underinvestment in productive capital. After all, labour productivity is often more a reflection of how well-equipped a worker is than anything about her personal skills or aptitudes (a fact that is often overlooked when this issue comes up in political discussion). Maybe with our small firms and low domestic savings rates, we just haven’t invested in our capital stock the way other countries have, and our workers are less productive (and therefore poorer) as a result?


Are we really that poor?
My second naïve question is about how our low per capita GDP manifests itself in our material standard of living.

In comments on my previous post, Achela, Nicholas and James have made the point that there’s a lot more to standard of living than just GDP per capita, such as life expectancy for instance. And, in another context, Rob has drawn our attention to the insights of happiness economics.

But even just in terms of our ability to afford market goods and services, how meaningful is what these GDP per capita figures are telling us?

Take two countries that most New Zealand are pretty familiar with: the United Kingdom and Australia. According to these figures, the British are 30% better off than we are and the Australians are 37% better off.

Does that feel right to you? I spent a couple of months in the UK last year, and I know people who live in Australia who I visit pretty often. The standard of living over there doesn’t seem particularly different to here. Can you think of things that people in those countries regularly afford that we can’t, for instance?

At the same time, the figures suggest that the difference between the Australians and us is the same as the difference between us and the Slovak Republic. Now, I don’t know much about the Slovak Republic but I imagine that if I went there I’d pretty quickly see signs of a rather more restricted lifestyle – somewhat more different from us than we are to the Australians. How can we explain that?


I’ve raised these questions with economists on occasion and been kindly assured that there is absolutely nothing interesting or insightful in them, and that these seeming paradoxes are easily explained.

And I’m not so rash as to hijack the entire Progressive Path to Prosperity topic — or even just the Identifying the Problem workstream — and make it about that.

Nevertheless I do hope to present my work in this area in a way that does offering a satisfying account of New Zealand’s situation to people who puzzle about the same sort of naïve questions as I do.

If you have had similar questions to me, or can offer some compelling answers, or even if you think this whole line of enquiry is misguided, I’m keen to hear from you – leave a comment below!

New Zealand’s economic performance – sixty years of decline?

Thursday, April 15th, 2010

Stream 1 of Policy Progress’s work programme topic A Progressive Path to Prosperity is Identifying the Problem.

In today’s post I’d like to start a discussion about that by setting out the standard case about New Zealand’s long-term relative economic decline. This will no doubt be familar to many of you, but it’s useful to set it out as a starting point. Then on Tuesday I want to talk a bit about what it really tells us.

It’s pretty well known that New Zealand’s economic growth has been quite weak compared to other OECD countries for a long time now. The result of that is that our per capita gross domestic product — how much we produce per person in the population — has fallen below other countries. The graph above shows how since 1976 we have dropped below the OECD average and fallen behind countries like the UK and Australia.

The following 2002 graph from prominent New Zealand economist (and Listener columnist) Brian Easton shows our decline against the average OECD per capita GDP over an even longer period.

Back in 1951, our GDP per capita was 60% higher than the OECD average, but by 2002 it had fallen to 14 points below the OECD average (86%). That’s a pretty massive decline, and it has continued since: the most recent OECD figures are for 2007 and have us at 84%.

This, of course, brings us to the dreaded “OECD ranking”.

Easton warns that rankings can be misleading but nonetheless provides useful information on them. Back in 1951 we were fifth in the world with only the US, Switzerland, Luxembourg and Canada ahead of us; and we stayed that way until the early 1960s.

By 1970 we had fallen to 11th place, just behind France and Iceland. By 1980 we had fallen to 19th, behind Italy and Finland.

There we stayed until 1997 when Ireland overtook us, leaving us in 20th place. Since then, we have also been overtaken by Spain (2000) and Greece (2005).

That puts us at number 22 out of 30 OECD countries. We are a little ahead of Korea, the Czech Republic and Portugal, and well ahead of the Slovak Republic, Hungary, Poland, Mexico and Turkey.

Cue the political rhetoric:

We are among the foothill nations at the base of the OECD wealth mountain. Number 22 for income per person, and falling.

But what does a wealth ranking matter, you might ask? Why does it matter if we’re number 22 or number four?

It matters because at number 22 your income is lower, you have to work harder, and you can save less. You face more uncertainty when things go wrong, when you or your family get sick or lose a job. No New Zealand sports team would be happy to be number 22. Why is the Government?

That was from Opposition leader John Key in 2008. In truth though, politicians of all stripes have sought to alternately raise alarm about or justify our OECD ranking for many years.

But how serious is this situation really? What does it actually mean for our material standard of living? That’s what I want to begin to address on Tuesday, starting with a few naïve questions that I hope will illuminate the issue.

But before that I’m interested in your perspective on New Zealand’s OECD ranking and related issues. What do you think of this ’standard case’ about our economic performance? Do you find it concerning? Convincing? What alternative or additional measures or considerations would you bring to bear?